Neuvostoliitossa ei ollut tätäkään ongelmaa
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https://www.punkinfinland.net/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=149387
Totta kai, ovat päässeet opiskelemaan sosiologiaa ja muita rappiotieteitä. Nyt kun se kielletään lähtee kansankynttilöiden taso yhtä jyrkkään nousuun kuin Moskovan pörssi!Jimi Ketipinor wrote: ↑25 Mar 2022, 18:40Artikkelin mukaan opettajakoulutus on heikkoa Venäjällä ja varmaan sille on syynsä.
Moskovan pörssin kanssa samanlaisessa schrödingeriläisessä liminaalitilassa että samanaikaisesti elossa että kuollut.
Schrödingerin puolustusministeri.Ultra-lehti wrote: ↑25 Mar 2022, 22:17Moskovan pörssin kanssa samanlaisessa schrödingeriläisessä liminaalitilassa että samanaikaisesti elossa että kuollut.
Leiriltä hakattuna se Rokossovskikin tuotiin takaisin palvelukseen ja nousi marsalkaksi asti, eli ei Shoigun uranäkymistä vielä tarvitse huolestua.Lana Ctrl-Alt-Del Rey wrote: ↑25 Mar 2022, 22:38Kyllä Shoigu voi elossa olla, sen verta kuulustellussa kunnossa vaan, ettei voi esiintyä julkisesti.
Tämmönen tulitaukosoppari on. Ei siellä taida ihan vielä olla sota käynnissä, mutta kyllähän toi pahasti siltä näyttää, että kohta taas on.
On siellä myös historioitsija, joka ei näe Venäjän tulevaisuutta yhtään sen valoisampana:Elliot Ackermann/Time wrote:That evening, I had a meeting scheduled with Dmytro Potekhin, a journalist and one of the organizers of the 2004 Orange Revolution, which overturned the corrupt result of that year’s presidential election. If the Russian people were to mobilize, it would likely be in a color revolution like the one Dmytro participated in. He was on the phone with me from Kyiv, and like everyone else I’d spoken to, Dmytro wasn’t optimistic. “Do I think a colored revolution is possible in Russia? Perhaps. Theoretically Russia could be democratic, though historically it hasn’t happened.”
Dmytro explained how, in 2005 and 2006, he’d traveled to Russia and trained their dissidents in the strategies and tactics of non-violent resistance. So why had those dissidents failed in Russia? “The problem is cultural,” he said. “Russian culture expects a single leader. Other societies are flatter. They are not vertical, like Russia. Every time the Russians create a movement it evolves into a vertical organization, one with a boss on the top. Look at Navalny. He could have created a great anti-corruption movement, but instead a vertical organization was built around him. I tried to teach Russians to build decentralized networks, but always they built corporations with a boss on the top and officers in the regions. Once the guy on the top is detained and once the regional offices are raided, the organization is stopped.”
“Over five hundred years there have been many attempts to emancipate Russian society. Every attempt collapses with a ruthless autocrat. Why do the Russian people choose unfreedom? The answer is Russian culture. If Russia is indeed the savior of the world, that would mean its suffering has meaning, that its suffering is synonymous with its piety. That’s why the sanctions won’t work. Could you convince a Christian to become godless by making him suffer? No, of course not, his suffering only draws him closer to God. Russia has enjoyed periods of freedom, but always it returns to this condition of suffering. It’s important to understand that it’s not Putin who took Russia, but rather Russia which gave itself to Putin, and Putin has used Russia’s history of suffering to consolidate his power.”
Hrytsak folded his arms. “This city has been Austro-Hungarian, Polish, and Russian. The Poles in particular have a very strong claim on Lviv, but their culture is different than Russia’s. They have the ability to rethink the past, while Russian culture has a tendency to relive the past. In the one case, it’s like driving car with a small rearview mirror you can reference. In the other case, it’s like driving a car with your windshield coated in mud. All you can do is look out the back window.”
The Third World War, according to Hrytsak, had already begun. Russia, like Germany at the end of the First World War, had suffered a humiliating defeat at the end of the Cold War. He used the term “Weimar” to describe Russia’s post-Cold War government in the 1990s. He noted how Putin, like Hitler, mined nuggets of grievance out of a selective, flawed interpretation of history, then refined those grievances into political power, enough power to sell this narrative we were seeing now, one in which Russia would liberate brother Ukrainians from their Nazi government led by a Jewish president. “We don’t like being called brothers,” Hrytsak said, “by people who murder us.”
When I asked Hrytsak what, if anything, could break this spell, he explained, “The Russian people have made a bargain with Putin, and it’s one they’ve made throughout their history. They have allowed a despot to take away their freedom, but in exchange he has offered them glory.”
Ei helvetissä. Niillä on ollut paskaa flaksia ja opittu epäluottamus instituutioihin tai siis ei ole ollut mitään instituutioita. Siitä on vaikee oppia pois ja eteen päinThe Russian people have made a bargain with Putin, and it’s one they’ve made throughout their history. They have allowed a despot to take away their freedom, but in exchange he has offered them glory