Täällä seurataan Britannian lähtöä EU:sta 23.6.2016

[Mäd Bästärd]

Jos löydän tuon eBookkina niin luen vaikka google translaten läpi.

544 sivua pörkeles

[Kriittinen Kansalainen]

Jos löydän tuon eBookkina niin luen vaikka google translaten läpi.

544 sivua pörkeles

Eiköhän tuota aleta kiivaasti kääntämään ainakin englanniksi. Pienemmätkin kielet voi olla edustettuna.

[Ingmar Bergmanin kuolema]

Barnierin salainen paljastuskirja La grande illusion - Journal secret du Brexit ilmestyy ilmeisesti torstaina ranskaksi.
http://www.gallimard.fr/Catalogue/GALLI ... e-illusion

Kannen mielikuvitukseton ulkoasu tuo väkevästi mieleen omakustanteen tai vaihtoehtoisesti jonkun yhteiskunnallisen alan armottoman puisevan akateemisen työn, joka jostakin kohtalon oikusta on määräytynyt pakolliseksi tenttikirjaksi, ja jota on saatavilla vain ranskan kielellä. Olisin odottanut ranskalaiselta kustantamolta enemmän, mutta ehkä kirjan ulkoasu kuvaa kirjoittajaansa tai jotain.

Tuolta linkin takaa pääsee lehteilemään kirjan ensimmäisiä sivuja, ja sieltä paljastuu, että Suuri illusio viittaa englantilaisen Norman Angellin esseeseen vuodelta 2010. Angell esitti kirjoituksessaan, että kansojen väliset talouden siteet tekevät suursodan mahdottomaksi, ja mikäli semmoinen mahdottomuus käy toteen, häviävät siinä kaikki voittajia myöten. Kirjan ensi sivuilla on myös Kuningas Lear -lainaus, jossa heitetään järki menemään ja päästetään hulluus valloilleen. Upeaa vittuilla briteille heidän omalla Nobelin rauhanpalkitullaan ja Shakespearella

[Kennedy Bakircioglu Kuutio]

Guardianin mukaan englanninnos tulossa vasta lokakuussa

Pitäiskö alkaa opetella ranskaa

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/ ... barnier-eu

Revealed: EU chief negotiator’s diaries, The Great Illusion, give blow-by-blow account of moves behind UK’s departure

Spoiler:

Michel Barnier: ‘Brexit is a failure for the EU. It is also a waste, for the UK and for us.’

Britain’s post-Brexit future was determined by “the quarrels, low blows, multiple betrayals and thwarted ambitions of a certain number of Tory MPs”, the EU’s chief negotiator has said in his long-awaited diaries.

The UK’s early problem, writes Michel Barnier in The Great Illusion, his 500-page account, was that they began by “talking to themselves. And they underestimate the legal complexity of this divorce, and many of its its consequences.”

Soon, however, the talking turned to Conservative party infighting, and by the end it had become “political piracy … They will go to any length. The current team in Downing St is not up to the challenges of Brexit nor to the responsibility that is theirs for having wanted Brexit. Simply, I no longer trust them.”

Published in France on Thursday and in English translation in October, The Great Illusion is a blow-by-blow account of the four years Barnier, a former French cabinet minister and European commissioner who has said he expects to “play a role” in the country’s next presidential election, spent as the EU’s chief Brexit negotiator.

In the image of its author, it is mostly courteous, measured and precise: a sober, matter-of-fact – and, to those who followed Brexit’s twists and turns, broadly familiar – account. But that makes its asides and rare outbursts all the more forceful.

At the start of the process, Barnier writes, he promised himself to “pay attention to my words, stick to facts, figures, legal fundamentals – in short, to allow little room for emotion and feeling, to the benefit of objectivity”.

He does not always manage it.

David Davis, he writes, was “warm, truculent, and very self-assured”, Dominic Raab “almost messianic”. Theresa May was “direct, determined … and rather rigid, in her figure and in her attitudes”; Boris Johnson simply “baroque”.

He confesses to being frankly “stupefied” by the Lancaster House speech in which May laid out the early UK’s red lines. “The number of doors she shut, one after the other,” he marvels on 17 January 2017. “I am astonished at the way she has revealed her cards … before we have even started negotiating.”

Ending the jurisdiction of the European court of justice, halting free movement, leaving the single market and customs union, ending EU budget payments: “Have the consequences of these decisions been thought through, measured, discussed? Does she realise this rules out almost all forms of cooperation we have with our partners?”

May’s proposed timetable – undoing a 44-year partnership via article 50 and agreeing a future relationship, all within two years – also seemed “ambitious to say the least, when it took seven years of intense work to negotiate a simple FTA with Canada”.


Barnier is admiring of Britain’s civil servants, Olly Robbins in particular, praising them as “dignified, competent and lucid”. But he does not envy them, he writes, as talks finally get under way that summer after May’s disastrous early election gamble.

“They have above them a political class who, in part, simply refuse to acknowledge today the direct upshot of the positions they adopted a year ago.” And he is wary throughout of Britain’s strategy, which seems to him to amount mainly to “offering little and taking a lot”, procrastinating, and cherrypicking.

His sympathy does extend to May, “a courageous, tenacious woman surrounded by a lot of men busy putting their personal interests before those of their country”. In the end, Barnier writes, the prime minister “exhausted herself, in a permanent battle with her own ministers and with her parliamentary majority”.


He never saw the point of Brexit, he confesses, and, visiting a capital a week in a marathon effort to forge and maintain EU27 unity, gives the notion of “Global Britain” short shrift. “I do wonder what, until now, has prevented the UK from becoming ‘Global Britain’, other than its own lack of competitiveness,” he writes. “Germany has become ‘Global Germany’ while being firmly inside the EU and the euro zone.”

Brexiters in general and Nigel Farage and his Ukip followers in particular, Barnier writes, had simply behaved “irresponsibly, with regard to the national interests of their own country. How else could they call on people to make such a serious choice without explaining or detailing to them its consequences?”

The post-Chequers resignations of Davis and Johnson in July 2018 prompt the reflection that Johnson had in any event always “treated these negotiations strictly as a domestic matter, and according to the logic of his own Brexit battle”, while their replacements, Raab and Jeremy Hunt, spark little enthusiasm either.

“There is something in his look that surprises me,” writes Barnier of Raab. “He is no doubt fired up by his mission, but I am not sure we will be able to go into the detail of the negotiation with him, take account of facts and realities”.

European “Brexit fatigue” begins to sets in, Barnier writes, in the long months before Theresa May’s decision in May 2019 - following a series of humiliating defeats in the Commons and an inevitable extension to the talks - to step down, and Johnson’s triumphant arrival at No 10 two months later.

“Although his posturing and banter leave him open to it, it would be dangerous to underestimate Johnson,” writes Barnier. But Johnson, too, “advancing like a bulldozer, manifestly trying to muscle his way forwards”, seemed to the negotiator hobbled by the same fundamental British Brexit problem.

When one of Barnier’s 60-member team explains to Britain’s new prime minister the need for customs and quality checks on the Irish border, Barnier writes, it was “my impression that he became aware, in that discussion, of a series of technical and legal issues that had not been so clearly explained to him by his own team”.

As late as May 2020, Barnier records his surprise at the UK’s continued demands for “a simple Canada-type trade deal” while still retaining single market advantages “in innumerable sectors”. There remains “real incomprehension, in Britain, of the objective, sometimes mechanical consequences of its choices”, he writes.

With a backstop-free withdrawal agreement finally secured, Britain’s formal exit from the EU on 31 January 2020 leaves the negotiator “torn between emotions. Sadness, obviously: Brexit is a failure for the EU. It is also a waste, for the UK and for us. I still do not see the need for it, even from the point of view of Britain’s national interest.”

The transition year talks on a future trade deal were a rollercoaster, too, beginning with David Frost’s blunt announcement that London “did not feel bound by the political declaration it had just signed four months ago. That rather set the scene.”

Thereafter came the internal market bill (“a clear breach of international law”) and the UK’s “theatrical”, “almost infantile”, “derisory” threats to walk away over the EU’s level playing field demands, “a psychodrama we could have done without”.

Right up until the end, Barnier writes, the British team kept the Europeans busy, submitting a final legal text on the fraught subject of fisheries on 23 December last year “stuffed with traps, pseudo-compromises and attempts to backtrack”.

In an inauspicious postscript, he warns that while he was “proud to be part of the unity and solidarity of the EU” during the Brexit process, and pleased Britain had left with a functioning deal rather than without one, the bloc must now be vigilant.

British “provocations” over the Irish protocol will continue, he warns, while the UK government, “in an attempt to erase the consequences of the Brexit it provoked, will try to re-enter through the windows the single market whose door it slammed shut. We must be alert to new forms of cherrypicking.”


Nor does he expect London to wait long before “trying to use its new legislative and regulatory autonomy to give itself, sector by sector, a competitive advantage. Will that competition be free and fair? Will regulatory competition … lead to social, economic, fiscal dumping against Europe? We have tools to respond.”

Barnier’s final warning, however, is to the EU itself. “There are lessons to be drawn from Brexit,” he writes. “There are reasons to listen to the popular feeling that expressed itself then, and continues to express itself in many parts of Europe - and to respond to it. That is going to take time, respect and political courage.”

[Rasmus-mafioso]

Oon opetellu ranskaa ny pari vuotta Duolingolla ja kauankohan kestäis kahlata tommonen viissataasivunen läpi?

Sen jälkeen kyl varmaan osais paremmin.

[Hikinen Möhömaha]

Oon opetellu ranskaa ny pari vuotta Duolingolla ja kauankohan kestäis kahlata tommonen viissataasivunen läpi?

Sen jälkeen kyl varmaan osais paremmin.

Ite en usko että onnistuisin pitkällä ranskalla lukemaan tota läpi kaiken ymmärtäen, että veikataan nyt vaikka sata vuotta.

[Rasmus-mafioso]

Oon opetellu ranskaa ny pari vuotta Duolingolla ja kauankohan kestäis kahlata tommonen viissataasivunen läpi?

Sen jälkeen kyl varmaan osais paremmin.

Ite en usko että onnistuisin pitkällä ranskalla lukemaan tota läpi kaiken ymmärtäen, että veikataan nyt vaikka sata vuotta.

En kyl kaikkee aatellukkaan ymmärtää, mut tossa ois ostoskorissa ny, 30€...

[Balam-Acab]

onpahan ainakin tarina jos joskus myöhemmin tulee jossakin yhteydessä puhetta, että miksi osaa ranskaa

[Rasmus-mafioso]

onpahan ainakin tarina jos joskus myöhemmin tulee jossakin yhteydessä puhetta, että miksi osaa ranskaa

Tarkoitus oli opetella ranskaa et voi lukee ranskalaista anarkismikirjallisuutta alkukielellä, mut päädyinkin lukemaan Barnierin Brexit-päiväkirjoja

No, laitoin tilaukseen. Katsotaan miten etenee jos rapsailen tänne sitä mukaa jos etenee.

[kuka hemmetti]

En jaksa perustaa erillistä topikia, joten laitetaan tänne että hyvää syntymäpäivää 200-vuotias The Guardian ja kiitos

Kyllä

[Rasmus-mafioso]

No niin, saatana.

https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/202 ... ity-supply

UK sends navy vessels to Jersey amid post-Brexit fishing row with France

[Ingmar Bergmanin kuolema]

No niin, saatana.

https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/202 ... ity-supply

UK sends navy vessels to Jersey amid post-Brexit fishing row with France

Just olin tulossa tätä. Elikkäs Ranskan meriministeri on uhannut katkaista sähköt Kanaalisaarilta, jos ei ranskalaisille kalastajille ala irrota kalastuslupia, ja nyt ajellaan jo sotalaivoilla. Kalat voi vittu kalat.

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/05/04/euro ... index.html
...
France is "ready" to cut electricity to the British island of Jersey -- just off the French coast -- should the United Kingdom not abide by clauses of the Brexit agreement regarding fisheries, French Maritime Minister Annick Girardin said Tuesday.

"As you know, the agreement provides for retaliatory measures, and we are ready to use them," Girardin told the French parliament.

Girardin also claimed the Jersey government -- which issued 41 fishing permits to French vessels on April 30 -- had placed "unilateral" restrictions on the trawlers.

"Regarding Jersey, I'll remind you, for example, of electricity transportation via undersea cable," she added. "We have means at our disposal. And even if it'd be sad to get to that point, we'll get there if we must."
...

[Ingmar Bergmanin kuolema]

Sotalaivoilla ranskalaisten pelottelu on kyllä oivallista käyttöainetta konservatiivien vaalikoneeseen näin paikallisvaalien aattona.

[MUISTA PESTÄ PERSE]

alkaa meno oleman kohta taas

[Ingmar Bergmanin kuolema]

BBC:llä on selattu Barnierin kirja läpi, ja vaikuttaa siltä että sieltä ei ole tulossa suuria paljastuksia vaan ennemminkin aiemmin kuiskailtujen oletusten vahvistuksia: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-56996547

Paitsi tietenkin tämä shokkiskuuppi

Spoiler:

In a potentially explosive revelation, which may or may not harm said chances of leading La République, Barnier drops the bombshell that "I've always preferred English breakfast, with fried eggs, to French croissants".