Ulkomaan natsit uutisissa yleistopik

[Balam-Acab]

valkoinen mies puhuu paskaisella kielellä

[Taito Muhkunen]

"quits"

[Digimarxisti]

'Their ideas had no place here': how Crete kicked out Golden Dawn
Teachers and activists in Heraklion explain how they drove the ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party from the island

Washing hangs from the balconies of an unassuming apartment block on Irodotou street in Heraklion, the capital of Crete. Outside, children ride bikes and old men play cards in a coffee shop. But before May this year, this building looked rather different. A sign hung outside reading: “Golden Dawn, Heraklion region”. The ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party used this street as its local base.

It was local teachers who first spotted its influence. “Two of my 13-year-old students had family problems,” recalls Maria Oikonomaki, 50. “Golden Dawn approached them in cafes and the gym, presenting themselves as family and protectors. They took them for coffee and gave them lessons on Greek history.”

Then came the violence, including the stabbing of two Pakistani workers. “I thought to myself: ‘My god, what is happening in this neighbourhood?’” says Oikonomaki.

​Despite the attacks, Golden Dawn might ​have kept its foothold in Heraklion – or ​dug in deeper – had the city’s residents not decided to fight back.

Golden Dawn was formed in 1980 and remained a fringe party until Greece’s devastating financial crisis started in 2009. As faith in the major political parties ebbed away, Golden Dawn’s narrative of a once-great nation ruined by immigration struck a chord with some disillusioned voters. As well as becoming the third-largest party in the Greek parliament, it also established a street-based paramilitary wing that regularly attacked immigrants and political opponents.

“Because [Golden Dawn] is a grassroots movement, local support is fundamental to its success,” says Daphne Halikiopoulou, associate professor at Reading University and Golden Dawn expert. “It targeted areas where it knew it could build a good presence, and expanded its organisation significantly.”

The area it chose in Heraklion was the eastern suburb of Nea Alikarnassos. A working-class neighbourhood, it has a long history of immigration from Asia Minor and eastern Europe. Many residents are employed in construction and lost their jobs during the crisis. Golden Dawn quietly opened its office here in 2011.

Crete’s anti-fascist movement initially struggled to fight back.

“Our philosophy is that you never let the far right get hold of public space,” says Konstantinos (not his real name), a militant anti-fascist in his early 20s. “In warmer countries like Greece, public space is where the working class spends their lives. Wherever fascists are present, you have to make your presence felt too.

So, when they found out about the new office, Konstantinos and other activists arranged a neighbourhood assembly. “There was a general consensus that people didn’t want Golden Dawn in the area,” he says, “but not enough people came to support the assembly. We realised we couldn’t have a presence in the area all the time. We tried to keep an eye on them, but there wasn’t much we could do.”

In September 2012, everything changed. In a crime that shocked the country, the prominent anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas was murdered on Golden Dawn’s orders. Huge protests broke out and 69 members of the party, including its leader, Nikolaos Michaloliakos, and 18 MPs, were arrested and charged with running a criminal organisation. Their trial is ongoing.

“Before this, a lot of people had the attitude of ‘We do not fear Golden Dawn, we just need to educate them’,” says Haris Zafiropoulos, a 27-year-old activist with New Left Current, a coalition of left-wing groups.

Activists such as Zafiropoulos embarked on a new strategy: taking to the streets and engaging in face-to-face conversations about fascism and why it needed to be confronted.

“Every weekend we went to the neighbourhood and spoke to people,” Zafiropoulos says. “Crete suffered a lot from the Nazis in the second world war, and whole villages were burned down. We tried to remind people what had happened before, and what is happening now.”

Meanwhile, across Crete, teachers rallied to address the radicalisation taking place in schools. “The way the fascists moved within the pupil community was so clever and so sneaky, we did not realise what was going on at first,” says Fotis Bichakis, founder of the Cretan League of Anti-Fascist Teachers. “It was easy for young students who were feeling frustrated to become manipulated.”

The teachers worked together to prepare lesson plans that taught history in a less nationalist way and explained and confronted fascist ideologies. The following spring, 56 schools collaborated on an anti-fascist festival.

“We celebrate the culture of all the migrant groups on the island, sharing their music, their traditions, the stories of how they came to Greece,” says Bichakis of the now-annual festival. “We took the philosophy of getting as many people together as possible – parents, teachers, pupils, university students. We tried to make [Golden Dawn] understand their ideas had no place in our region. And this was how we won.”

The teachers chose not to view already-recruited students as lost causes. “We always had faith they could come back to democratic ideals,” adds Bichakis. “As they saw more of their peers joining in with anti-fascism, they began to question whether they had been misled.”

Oikonomaki says she believes the strategy stopped any more of her pupils being radicalised. “We had students from Albania, Romania, Bulgaria,” she says. “I’d tell pupils: ‘Golden Dawn says other people are inferior to Greeks. Do you really think that about your friend John you sit next to every day?’”

Militant activists also made the controversial decision to confront the group violently. In April 2018, Konstantinos and around 70 other anti-fascists organised a night attack on the Heraklion office. “We destroyed everything of value – the floors, the ceilings, the AC unit,” he says. “We think that was the final straw for them.”

Indeed, Golden Dawn packed up and left two weeks later.

Not everyone in the community is happy about the violence. “It’s important we don’t come across as two sides of the same coin,” says Zafiropoulos.

Konstantinos, however, is unrepentant. “It worked!” he says. “We may not be able to stop Golden Dawn becoming celebrities in the media, but we can stop them spreading their roots within Greek society. Crete is the first major region of Greece to have no Golden Dawn presence … We have effectively stopped them from having any space to reproduce.”

Elsewhere in Greece, the far right appears to be on the rise again. The country’s dispute with Macedonia over its name has led to swell of nationalism, and there have been violent attacks on politicians and asylum-seekers. Halikiopoulou believes anti-fascist activism of the type used in Crete can work “on a local level. But opposition cannot and should not be confined to the anti-fascist left. We need something on a more organised, mainstream level.”

Oikonomaki is wary of saying the battle is fully over. “We could easily communicate who Golden Dawn were and why they were bad,” she says. “But the crisis is not over, and people still want to put the blame on someone. Hidden fascism is almost more dangerous.”

[spekulatiivinen pasta]

'Their ideas had no place here': how Crete kicked out Golden Dawn
Teachers and activists in Heraklion explain how they drove the ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party from the island

Spoiler:

Washing hangs from the balconies of an unassuming apartment block on Irodotou street in Heraklion, the capital of Crete. Outside, children ride bikes and old men play cards in a coffee shop. But before May this year, this building looked rather different. A sign hung outside reading: “Golden Dawn, Heraklion region”. The ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party used this street as its local base.

It was local teachers who first spotted its influence. “Two of my 13-year-old students had family problems,” recalls Maria Oikonomaki, 50. “Golden Dawn approached them in cafes and the gym, presenting themselves as family and protectors. They took them for coffee and gave them lessons on Greek history.”

Then came the violence, including the stabbing of two Pakistani workers. “I thought to myself: ‘My god, what is happening in this neighbourhood?’” says Oikonomaki.

​Despite the attacks, Golden Dawn might ​have kept its foothold in Heraklion – or ​dug in deeper – had the city’s residents not decided to fight back.

Golden Dawn was formed in 1980 and remained a fringe party until Greece’s devastating financial crisis started in 2009. As faith in the major political parties ebbed away, Golden Dawn’s narrative of a once-great nation ruined by immigration struck a chord with some disillusioned voters. As well as becoming the third-largest party in the Greek parliament, it also established a street-based paramilitary wing that regularly attacked immigrants and political opponents.

“Because [Golden Dawn] is a grassroots movement, local support is fundamental to its success,” says Daphne Halikiopoulou, associate professor at Reading University and Golden Dawn expert. “It targeted areas where it knew it could build a good presence, and expanded its organisation significantly.”

The area it chose in Heraklion was the eastern suburb of Nea Alikarnassos. A working-class neighbourhood, it has a long history of immigration from Asia Minor and eastern Europe. Many residents are employed in construction and lost their jobs during the crisis. Golden Dawn quietly opened its office here in 2011.

Crete’s anti-fascist movement initially struggled to fight back.

“Our philosophy is that you never let the far right get hold of public space,” says Konstantinos (not his real name), a militant anti-fascist in his early 20s. “In warmer countries like Greece, public space is where the working class spends their lives. Wherever fascists are present, you have to make your presence felt too.

So, when they found out about the new office, Konstantinos and other activists arranged a neighbourhood assembly. “There was a general consensus that people didn’t want Golden Dawn in the area,” he says, “but not enough people came to support the assembly. We realised we couldn’t have a presence in the area all the time. We tried to keep an eye on them, but there wasn’t much we could do.”

In September 2012, everything changed. In a crime that shocked the country, the prominent anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas was murdered on Golden Dawn’s orders. Huge protests broke out and 69 members of the party, including its leader, Nikolaos Michaloliakos, and 18 MPs, were arrested and charged with running a criminal organisation. Their trial is ongoing.

“Before this, a lot of people had the attitude of ‘We do not fear Golden Dawn, we just need to educate them’,” says Haris Zafiropoulos, a 27-year-old activist with New Left Current, a coalition of left-wing groups.

Activists such as Zafiropoulos embarked on a new strategy: taking to the streets and engaging in face-to-face conversations about fascism and why it needed to be confronted.

“Every weekend we went to the neighbourhood and spoke to people,” Zafiropoulos says. “Crete suffered a lot from the Nazis in the second world war, and whole villages were burned down. We tried to remind people what had happened before, and what is happening now.”

Meanwhile, across Crete, teachers rallied to address the radicalisation taking place in schools. “The way the fascists moved within the pupil community was so clever and so sneaky, we did not realise what was going on at first,” says Fotis Bichakis, founder of the Cretan League of Anti-Fascist Teachers. “It was easy for young students who were feeling frustrated to become manipulated.”

The teachers worked together to prepare lesson plans that taught history in a less nationalist way and explained and confronted fascist ideologies. The following spring, 56 schools collaborated on an anti-fascist festival.

“We celebrate the culture of all the migrant groups on the island, sharing their music, their traditions, the stories of how they came to Greece,” says Bichakis of the now-annual festival. “We took the philosophy of getting as many people together as possible – parents, teachers, pupils, university students. We tried to make [Golden Dawn] understand their ideas had no place in our region. And this was how we won.”

The teachers chose not to view already-recruited students as lost causes. “We always had faith they could come back to democratic ideals,” adds Bichakis. “As they saw more of their peers joining in with anti-fascism, they began to question whether they had been misled.”

Oikonomaki says she believes the strategy stopped any more of her pupils being radicalised. “We had students from Albania, Romania, Bulgaria,” she says. “I’d tell pupils: ‘Golden Dawn says other people are inferior to Greeks. Do you really think that about your friend John you sit next to every day?’”

Militant activists also made the controversial decision to confront the group violently. In April 2018, Konstantinos and around 70 other anti-fascists organised a night attack on the Heraklion office. “We destroyed everything of value – the floors, the ceilings, the AC unit,” he says. “We think that was the final straw for them.”

Indeed, Golden Dawn packed up and left two weeks later.

Not everyone in the community is happy about the violence. “It’s important we don’t come across as two sides of the same coin,” says Zafiropoulos.

Konstantinos, however, is unrepentant. “It worked!” he says. “We may not be able to stop Golden Dawn becoming celebrities in the media, but we can stop them spreading their roots within Greek society. Crete is the first major region of Greece to have no Golden Dawn presence … We have effectively stopped them from having any space to reproduce.”

Elsewhere in Greece, the far right appears to be on the rise again. The country’s dispute with Macedonia over its name has led to swell of nationalism, and there have been violent attacks on politicians and asylum-seekers. Halikiopoulou believes anti-fascist activism of the type used in Crete can work “on a local level. But opposition cannot and should not be confined to the anti-fascist left. We need something on a more organised, mainstream level.”

Oikonomaki is wary of saying the battle is fully over. “We could easily communicate who Golden Dawn were and why they were bad,” she says. “But the crisis is not over, and people still want to put the blame on someone. Hidden fascism is almost more dangerous.”

[Juice]

'Their ideas had no place here': how Crete kicked out Golden Dawn
Teachers and activists in Heraklion explain how they drove the ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party from the island

Spoiler:

Washing hangs from the balconies of an unassuming apartment block on Irodotou street in Heraklion, the capital of Crete. Outside, children ride bikes and old men play cards in a coffee shop. But before May this year, this building looked rather different. A sign hung outside reading: “Golden Dawn, Heraklion region”. The ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party used this street as its local base.

It was local teachers who first spotted its influence. “Two of my 13-year-old students had family problems,” recalls Maria Oikonomaki, 50. “Golden Dawn approached them in cafes and the gym, presenting themselves as family and protectors. They took them for coffee and gave them lessons on Greek history.”

Then came the violence, including the stabbing of two Pakistani workers. “I thought to myself: ‘My god, what is happening in this neighbourhood?’” says Oikonomaki.

​Despite the attacks, Golden Dawn might ​have kept its foothold in Heraklion – or ​dug in deeper – had the city’s residents not decided to fight back.

Golden Dawn was formed in 1980 and remained a fringe party until Greece’s devastating financial crisis started in 2009. As faith in the major political parties ebbed away, Golden Dawn’s narrative of a once-great nation ruined by immigration struck a chord with some disillusioned voters. As well as becoming the third-largest party in the Greek parliament, it also established a street-based paramilitary wing that regularly attacked immigrants and political opponents.

“Because [Golden Dawn] is a grassroots movement, local support is fundamental to its success,” says Daphne Halikiopoulou, associate professor at Reading University and Golden Dawn expert. “It targeted areas where it knew it could build a good presence, and expanded its organisation significantly.”

The area it chose in Heraklion was the eastern suburb of Nea Alikarnassos. A working-class neighbourhood, it has a long history of immigration from Asia Minor and eastern Europe. Many residents are employed in construction and lost their jobs during the crisis. Golden Dawn quietly opened its office here in 2011.

Crete’s anti-fascist movement initially struggled to fight back.

“Our philosophy is that you never let the far right get hold of public space,” says Konstantinos (not his real name), a militant anti-fascist in his early 20s. “In warmer countries like Greece, public space is where the working class spends their lives. Wherever fascists are present, you have to make your presence felt too.

So, when they found out about the new office, Konstantinos and other activists arranged a neighbourhood assembly. “There was a general consensus that people didn’t want Golden Dawn in the area,” he says, “but not enough people came to support the assembly. We realised we couldn’t have a presence in the area all the time. We tried to keep an eye on them, but there wasn’t much we could do.”

In September 2012, everything changed. In a crime that shocked the country, the prominent anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas was murdered on Golden Dawn’s orders. Huge protests broke out and 69 members of the party, including its leader, Nikolaos Michaloliakos, and 18 MPs, were arrested and charged with running a criminal organisation. Their trial is ongoing.

“Before this, a lot of people had the attitude of ‘We do not fear Golden Dawn, we just need to educate them’,” says Haris Zafiropoulos, a 27-year-old activist with New Left Current, a coalition of left-wing groups.

Activists such as Zafiropoulos embarked on a new strategy: taking to the streets and engaging in face-to-face conversations about fascism and why it needed to be confronted.

“Every weekend we went to the neighbourhood and spoke to people,” Zafiropoulos says. “Crete suffered a lot from the Nazis in the second world war, and whole villages were burned down. We tried to remind people what had happened before, and what is happening now.”

Meanwhile, across Crete, teachers rallied to address the radicalisation taking place in schools. “The way the fascists moved within the pupil community was so clever and so sneaky, we did not realise what was going on at first,” says Fotis Bichakis, founder of the Cretan League of Anti-Fascist Teachers. “It was easy for young students who were feeling frustrated to become manipulated.”

The teachers worked together to prepare lesson plans that taught history in a less nationalist way and explained and confronted fascist ideologies. The following spring, 56 schools collaborated on an anti-fascist festival.

“We celebrate the culture of all the migrant groups on the island, sharing their music, their traditions, the stories of how they came to Greece,” says Bichakis of the now-annual festival. “We took the philosophy of getting as many people together as possible – parents, teachers, pupils, university students. We tried to make [Golden Dawn] understand their ideas had no place in our region. And this was how we won.”

The teachers chose not to view already-recruited students as lost causes. “We always had faith they could come back to democratic ideals,” adds Bichakis. “As they saw more of their peers joining in with anti-fascism, they began to question whether they had been misled.”

Oikonomaki says she believes the strategy stopped any more of her pupils being radicalised. “We had students from Albania, Romania, Bulgaria,” she says. “I’d tell pupils: ‘Golden Dawn says other people are inferior to Greeks. Do you really think that about your friend John you sit next to every day?’”

Militant activists also made the controversial decision to confront the group violently. In April 2018, Konstantinos and around 70 other anti-fascists organised a night attack on the Heraklion office. “We destroyed everything of value – the floors, the ceilings, the AC unit,” he says. “We think that was the final straw for them.”

Indeed, Golden Dawn packed up and left two weeks later.

Not everyone in the community is happy about the violence. “It’s important we don’t come across as two sides of the same coin,” says Zafiropoulos.

Konstantinos, however, is unrepentant. “It worked!” he says. “We may not be able to stop Golden Dawn becoming celebrities in the media, but we can stop them spreading their roots within Greek society. Crete is the first major region of Greece to have no Golden Dawn presence … We have effectively stopped them from having any space to reproduce.”

Elsewhere in Greece, the far right appears to be on the rise again. The country’s dispute with Macedonia over its name has led to swell of nationalism, and there have been violent attacks on politicians and asylum-seekers. Halikiopoulou believes anti-fascist activism of the type used in Crete can work “on a local level. But opposition cannot and should not be confined to the anti-fascist left. We need something on a more organised, mainstream level.”

Oikonomaki is wary of saying the battle is fully over. “We could easily communicate who Golden Dawn were and why they were bad,” she says. “But the crisis is not over, and people still want to put the blame on someone. Hidden fascism is almost more dangerous.”

[päänsä ja korppunsa syöjä]

Crete suffered a lot from the Nazis in the second world war, and whole villages were burned down. We tried to remind people what had happened before, and what is happening now

Kovin tutulta kuulostaa

[kiimainen dinosaur]

Väärä ketju mutta onko Voxin voitto Andalucian parlamentti vaaleissa ollu piffolla jo?
edit. Tai siis tarkemmin 12 paikkaa 109:stä mutta silti.

[Hellton Råtbutcher]

...Golden Dawn expert

[Balam-Acab]

...Golden Dawn expert

professorishenkilönä varmaan perehtynyt aiheeseen

[fanaattinen vaaliharrastaja]

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/201 ... s-stabbing

Anti-fascists were stabbed at a neo-Nazi rally. Then police tried to charge them
Revealed: California has not prosecuted anyone for the stabbings, but sought hundreds of charges against counter-protesters

Muutamia kohtia

In addition to the decision not to charge white supremacists or others for stabbings at a far-right rally that left people with critical wounds, police also investigated 100 anti-fascist counter-protesters, recommending more than 500 total criminal charges against

For two of the counter-protesters facing potential prison time, law enforcement officers surveilled their social media activity and cited their leftwing politics and affiliation with Chicano and indigenous rights groups as evidence against them, the police reports revealed.

The Guardian previously interviewed two victims who were injured, then pursued by police – Cedric O’Bannon, a black journalist and stabbing victim who ultimately was not charged, and Yvette Felarca, a well-known Berkeley activist whose case is moving forward on Thursday. Previous records also revealed that police had worked with the neo-Nazi groups to target the anti-racist activists.

One anti-fascist was stabbed in the abdomen by an “unknown TWP affiliate”, according to a CHP report, which included graphic images of the protester’s bloody injuries. But because this individual had a “wooden skateboard” that could be used as a “deadly weapon” as well as a “black bandana” to conceal their face, police recommended more than a dozen criminal charges, including conspiracy, assault, rioting, and disturbing the peace.

[Lörsson.]

^

[Isotooppijalostamo]

Al jazeera tehnyt tosi kovan undercoverdokkarin Ranskan identitaareista. Alkaa vähän laahaavasti peruskuvastolla nuorista väkivaltasista miehistä, mutta puolessa välissä (n 25min kohdilla) käynnistyy kunnolla kun piilokamerakuvista front nationalen yhteydet identitaareihin käy selkeämmäksi ja selkeämmäksi

https://www.aljazeera.com/investigation ... ationhate/

In a two-part investigation, Al Jazeera’s Investigative Unit goes undercover to expose France’s far-right and reveals secret links between violent extremists and one of France’s biggest political parties.

Marine Le Pen recently changed the name of the National Front as part of efforts to reform the party’s image and make it more acceptable to French voters. However, an Al Jazeera reporter uncovers close connections between senior politicians in Le Pen’s party and Generation Identity (GI), a far-right youth movement dedicated to expelling Muslims from Europe.

GI activists are secretly filmed carrying out racist beatings and performing Nazi salutes.

Aurelien Verhassel, the leader of GI branch in the French city of Lille, has convictions for violence but still recruits far-right activists to work in political posts for Le Pen’s party. Elected members of Le Pen’s party in the European Parliament are also caught declaring their support for Generation Identity and its anti-Muslim policies

[Lusku]

Charlottesvillen yliajaja-natsi tuomittiin. 419 vuotta vankeutta, ja kun noi on lusittu niin päälle vielä elinkautinen.

Charlottesville Jury Recommends 419 Years Plus Life For Neo-Nazi Who Killed Protester
2:28

December 11, 20182:18 PM ET

Vanessa Romo

A jury in Charlottesville said Tuesday that James Alex Fields Jr. should be sentenced to life plus 419 years in prison and $480,000 in fines, for killing Heather Heyer and seriously injuring 35 others.

Judge Richard Moore will decide whether to sign off on the recommended sentence at a hearing on March 29.

The life sentence was in response to Fields' first-degree murder conviction. The jury arrived at 419 additional years, The Associated Press reports, by recommending "70 years for each of five malicious wounding charges, 20 for each of three malicious wounding charges, and nine years on one charge of leaving the scene of an accident."

A day earlier, jurors heard emotional testimony from Heyer's mother, Susan Bro, and from several victims struck by Fields on Aug. 12, 2017, during the Unite the Right rally that weekend.

"Heather was full of love, justice and fairness," Bro said, according to the Richmond Times-Dispatch. "Mr. Fields tried to silence her. ... I refuse to let him."

Bro also told the jury that she does not hate Fields for killing her daughter, a loss she described as an "explosion" that has blown up her family.

Meanwhile, Fields' attorneys asked the jury to consider their client's mental state on the day of the murder. A psychologist "testified that Fields was diagnosed with bipolar disorder and schizoid personality disorder at the ages of 6 and 14, respectively," the Times-Dispatch reported.

Fields was convicted last week of first-degree murder along with several counts of aggravated malicious wounding, malicious wounding and leaving the scene of an accident. Defense lawyers had argued that he acted in self-defense.

Fields also faces federal hate crime charges, which allow for the death penalty.

Reporter Whittney Evans of member station WCVE contributed to this story.

https://www.npr.org/2018/12/11/67568291 ... 4600484287

[normaalit ruokajuomat]

Brittinatseille linnaa:

UK couple who named baby after Hitler jailed for terror group membership
Adam Thomas, Claudia Patatas and four others jailed over National Action membership

A neo-Nazi couple who named their baby son after Adolf Hitler and made their home a “shrine to extreme racism” have been jailed for membership of a terrorist group.

Adam Thomas was pictured cradling his son while wearing the hooded robes of the Ku Klux Klan. His partner, Claudia Patatas, believed “all Jews must be put to death”, a trial at Birmingham crown court heard.

The pair had a long history of violent racist beliefs, said the judge, Melbourne Inman QC, and both had claimed they were “willing to murder a mixed-race child” to further their neo-Nazi agenda.

“These are not idle words,” the judge said. “The vile regime you and Thomas worship, and which you wish to impose on this country, did – and would do – exactly that.”

Thomas, 22, and Patatas, 38, cried and held hands in the dock as they were jailed for six years and six months, and five years respectively. The couple, from Banbury in Oxfordshire, were last week found guilty of being members of the far-right organisation National Action, which was banned in 2016.

Their friend Darren Fletcher, who admitted National Action membership before the trial, was jailed for five years for the same offence. In all, six people were sentenced on Tuesday for being members of the group, which the judge described as having horrific goals.

“Its aims and objectives are the overthrow of democracy in this country by serious violence and murder, and the imposition of a Nazi-style state which would eradicate whole sections of society by such violence and mass murder,” he said. “The eradication of those who you consider to be inferior because of no more than the colour of their skin or their religion.”

Koko juttu täällä:
https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/201 ... membership

[AI-Virtanen]

Yllä mainitun Al Jazeera -dokkarin kakkososa: