n: yleinen siat/filth pistää haisemaan-topic

[Balam-Acab]

https://www.ksml.fi/paikalliset/3166116

Poliisi teki kotietsinnän helsinkiläispoliisin kesämökille Keuruulla – Tutkinnassa paljastui ylikonstaapelin yhteys äärioikeistoon
Miehen maahanmuuttokriittisiä puheita selvitettiin jo 2015 sen jälkeen, kun hän oli puhunut Keuruulla.

Uusi normaali.

Liittyispä torssos caseen niin joutuisivat ihan tosissaan tekemään kaikkensa että kaikki on ihan hys hys

sillä tavalla liittyy että tää poliisi pääty tällä kertaa syyniin ilmitulleesta viestittelystään epäiltynä olleen mutta sittemmin vapautetun nazin kanssa

[Hra Mezola]

https://news.sky.com/story/officer-may- ... x-12134500

Officer may be sacked for 'sticking 7p carrot barcode on Krispy Kreme doughnuts box'

The alleged incident took place at a Tesco Extra supermarket while the police officer was on duty and in uniform.

[Balam-Acab]

https://www.kansanuutiset.fi/artikkeli/ ... -selva8221

Poliisi katsoi taskulampulla nuoren miehen alushousuihin keskellä kaupunkia etsiessään kannabista – ”En muista tapausta tarkasti, mutta tässä on tapahtunut virhe, se on selvä”

Arvelen, että he epäilivät minun hakeneen marketista kannabista sisältäneen postipaketin. Muuta selitystä tälle en keksi, eikä tarkastuksen syytä kerrottu minulle sen tarkemmin. En ole poliisin tuttu Salossa, selventää Aleksi.

Tapahtuneen jälkeen Aleksi joutui uudestaan tekemisiin samaisten poliisien kanssa. Hän oli kävelemässä kadulla, kun poliisit pysäyttivät hänet ja hänen ystävänsä. Tällä kertaa heitä epäiltiin kannabiksen välittämisestä. Mitään ei taaskaan löytynyt.

Aleksi päätti nauhoittaa tapahtuneen puhelimen äänitallentimella. Tallenteelle poliisi muistelee tarkoin tapahtunutta Aleksille.

Kansan Uutisten saamien äänitallenteiden perusteella poliisi myöntää tapahtumat kiivaan keskustelun päätteeksi. Hän ei kuitenkaan muistanut tapahtunutta tarkoin antaessaan selvitystä Lounais-Suomen poliisin oikeusyksikölle. Samoja tarkkoja lausumia ei myöskään löydy oikeusasiamiehen ratkaisusta.

Ääninauhalla vanhempi konstaapeli selvittää asiaa Aleksin kanssa ja kertoo, miksi he päätyivät katsomaan hänen alushousuihin. Oikeusasiamiehen ratkaisussa vanhempi konstaapeli kuitenkin kertoo, että kantelijan kuvaama tapahtuma on saattanut tapahtua, mutta ei muista yksityiskohtia.

– Kun viimeksi katsottiin, niin siinä haisi jossain ruoho ja epäilin, että olit jointin polttanut tai jotain, selventää vanhempi konstaapeli tilannetta Aleksille hänen salanauhoitteessaan.

Aleksi ei ole vakuuttunut poliisin lausunnoista.

poliisi on huolissaan poliisin oikeusturvasta

– On totta, että tämänkaltainen toiminta voi heikentää kansalaisen, mutta myös poliisin oikeusturvaa. Se on oikeudellinen ongelma. Sillä lain mukaan tällaisesta toiminnasta pitäisi laatia aina pakkokeinopöytäkirja. Uskon, että poliisi toimi tässä oikein, mutta meidän pitää kyetä osoittamaan se jälkeen päin. Nyt se ei ole mahdollista, pahoittelee [Lounais-Suomen valvonta- ja hälytystoimintasektorin johtaja Stephan] Sundqvist.

[Hra Mezola]

Hitto niitä tallennuslaitteita jne.

[Balam-Acab]

– Kun viimeksi katsottiin, niin siinä haisi jossain ruoho ja epäilin, että olit jointin polttanut tai jotain

show me ur panties

[Hra Mezola]

– Kun viimeksi katsottiin, niin siinä haisi jossain ruoho ja epäilin, että olit jointin polttanut tai jotain

show me ur panties

[Maidanin Veteraanien Veljesliitto]

Poliisin oikeusturvan kannalta oleellista että poliisi on ite kirjannut lomakkeelle tehneensä oikein että voi jälkeenpäin todistaa videot tai äänitallenteet vääriksi

[kiimainen dinosaur]

N: Poliisi haistaa pierusta poltetun ruohon.

[yhdeksänvuotias ”uskontopoliisi”]

Huumeet on perseessä

[Isotooppijalostamo]

Poliisin oikeusturvan kannalta oleellista että poliisi on ite kirjannut lomakkeelle tehneensä oikein että voi jälkeenpäin todistaa videot tai äänitallenteet vääriksi

Poliisilla täysi tieto siitä, että kantsua on liikkeellä ja käyttäjä saattaa olla nuori mies, joten ei kai tässä mitään epäilyttävää ole. Housut vaan alas kaikilta ja kotietsintä jos haisee.

[░▒▓█▓▒░▒▓█▓▒░▒▓█▓▒░]

https://www.ksml.fi/paikalliset/3166116

Poliisi teki kotietsinnän helsinkiläispoliisin kesämökille Keuruulla – Tutkinnassa paljastui ylikonstaapelin yhteys äärioikeistoon
Miehen maahanmuuttokriittisiä puheita selvitettiin jo 2015 sen jälkeen, kun hän oli puhunut Keuruulla.

Uusi normaali.

Oivaltavaa ajattelua siellä:

Jonne Rinne ei pidä ääriliikkeiden ”soluttautumista” Suomen poliisivoimiin uhkana.

– Onko niin, että ääriliikkeet soluttautuvat poliisiin vai kyseessä poliisi, joka ajattelee kuten ääriliikkeet?

[Kalle]

Belgialaispoliisia syytetään 2-vuotiaan pakolaistytön ampumisesta – avasi tulen kohti siirtolaisia salakuljettanutta pakettiautoa

Kurdityttö sai kuolettavan osuman kasvoihinsa toukokuussa 2018, kun poliisi avasi tulen pakolaisia salakuljettanutta pakettiautoa kohti.

Belgian pakolaispolitiikka on tänään tapetilla, kun Belgian Monsissa alkaa oikeudenkäynti kaksivuotiaan kurditytön, Mawda Sharwin, kuoliaaksi vahingossa ampunutta poliisia vastaan. Poliisia syytetään pakolaislapsen taposta.

Mawda sai kuolettavan osuman kasvoihinsa toukokuussa 2018, kun poliisi avasi tulen pakolaisia Belgian läpi kohti Britanniaa kuljettaneeseen pakettiautoon. Mawda istui äitinsä sylissä pakettiauton etupenkillä. Autossa oli kaikkiaan 26 aikuista ja neljä lasta.

Poliisit yrittivät hoitaa tyttöä jo tapahtumapaikalla, mutta tytön saaminen sairaalahoitoon kesti. Vanhemmat eivät edes päässeet ambulanssiin tyttärensä kanssa, ja lapsensa kuolemasta he saivat tietää vasta tuntien päästä, kun he istuivat sellissä pidätettyinä.

Poliisi on sanonut yrittäneensä ampua auton renkaan saadakseen sen pysähtymään takaa-ajotilanteessa. Luoti oli kuitenkin mennyt harhaan takaa-ajotilanteessa. Guardianin mukaan pakettiauton nopeus oli ollut 90 kilometriä tunnissa.

Poliisin nimeä ei ole kerrottu

Pakolaistytön kuolema oli skandaali ja ihmisoikeusaktivisteille siitä tuli symboli vaaroista, joita pakolaisuuden kriminalisointi saattaa aiheuttaa.

Kuolettavan luodin ampuneen poliisin nimeä ei ole kerrottu julkisuuteen, mutta hänen tiedetään olevan noin nelikymppinen, kahden lapsen isä. Työkokemusta on ehtinyt kertyä kahdeksan vuotta.

Poliisia syytetään nyt oikeudessa Mawdan taposta yhdessä kahden Irakin kurdin kanssa. Toinen miehistä ajoi pakettiautoa ja toista epäillään salakuljettajaksi.

Poliisi ei kiistä ampumista, mutta hän väittää, ettei tiennyt pakettiautossa olleen siirtolaisia. Hän sanoo järkyttyneensä, kun oli tajunnut Mawdan saaneen kuolettavan vamman.

– Hänestä [poliisi] tuntuu, että hän saa nyt maksaa siirtolaispolitiikan virheistä, poliisin asianajaja sanoi France24:lle.

Vuonna 2015 Irakista paenneet Mawdan vanhemmat ovat saaneet oleskeluluvan Belgiaan humanitaaristen syiden perusteella.

Julkkikset mukana

Vanhempia edustaa kaksi päivää kestävässä oikeudenkäynnissä kolme asianajajaa, ja heidän tukenaan on kansalaisaktivistien ryhmä, joka on mobilisoinut oikeudenkäynnille kansainvälisten julkkisten tukea.

Pink Floyd -yhtyeen Roger Waters on kehottanut belgialaisia osallistumaan oikeudenkäyntiin ja pitävän huolta, ettei lapsen kuolemaa lakaista maton alle.

Brittiläinen elokuvaohjaaja Ken Loach vaatii taas saada tietää, mitkä olosuhteet antavat oikeutuksen ampua ihmisiä täynnä olevaa pakettiautoa.

Oikeudenkäynnissä nousee esille myös Ranskan ja Belgian poliisin toiminta ja yhteistyö. Ranskan poliisi oli nimittäin laittanut Ranskan pohjoisosista liikkeelle lähteneeseen pakettiautoon GPS-paikantimen. Belgian poliisi ei kuitenkaan tiennyt, että Ranskan poliisikin oli kiinnostunut pakettiautosta.

Poliisi voi saada Mawdan taposta viiden vuoden vankeustuomion.

[Pasi Fist]

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/ ... c-producer

Paris police filmed beating music producer in studio

Footage shows victim, who was later released without charge, being punched, kicked and hit with truncheon

Three French police officers have been suspended after they were filmed beating and allegedly racially abusing a music producer in his Paris studio.

An official inquiry has been opened – the third such investigation in a week – into the officers’ behaviour. The latest incident comes after MPs in the French parliament voted to approve a new law increasing police powers.

The victim, identified only by his first name, Michel, was returning to his music studio in Paris’s 17th arrondissement last Saturday evening when police spotted he was not wearing a mask. Three officers, two in uniform and one in plain clothes, allegedly jumped from their car and pushed Michel through the front door of his property.



“Before I heard a word, I felt a hand pushing or pulling me, I didn’t know which. I didn’t know what was happening. I was shouting out for help,” Michel, the director of Black Gold Corp Studios, told the news website Loopsider.

The film shows police punching and kicking him, and hitting him over the head and body with a truncheon. As well as the physical blows, Michel, who said he was taken so much by surprise he was not even sure they were real police officers, said he was subjected to racist insults.

“I heard “dirty n****r. I heard it several times. They were hitting me with their truncheons. Over and over again,” he said.

After calling out for help to colleagues on a lower floor, and with blood pouring from his head, Michel and the others managed to push the three officers out of the front door.

The police then smashed a window and threw a teargas canister inside the property. After calling for reinforcements, they demanded Michel and the others came out, at gunpoint.

“I was afraid. I thought it was my last day … I kept saying, ‘I haven’t done anything’, and they kept shouting for me to get down on the ground.”

Once outside, police officers continued to beat Michel and the others.

“Suddenly someone shouted, ‘camera, camera’. It was someone filming from a window. As soon as the police heard this they stopped hitting us,” said one of the victims.

Michel was taken to the nearby police station and accused of insulting police and attempting to grab one of their guns.

Unknown to the officers, however, a camera inside the producer’s studio had captured the officers’ actions. Michel was held in custody for 48 hours then released without charge. The three officers are now being investigated for allegations of “violence by a public agent” and “making false statements”.

On Thursday, the interior minister, Gérald Darmanin, wrote on Twitter that an internal investigation was under way and that he had asked the Paris chief of police to suspend the offices concerned.

Anne Hidalgo, the mayor of Paris, tweeted: “Deeply shocked by this intolerable act. All the consequences must be drawn from these exceptionally serious facts. The rule of law is non-negotiable. All my support to Michel.”

Earlier this week, Darmanin expressed his confidence in the police after they came under fierce criticism for their use of teargas and truncheons to dismantle a migrant camp in central Paris.

Two official inquiries have been launched following the operation: one into a police officer filmed tripping up a migrant running away from officers causing him to fall heavily, and a second involving a police officer holding a journalist on the ground while appearing to threaten him with a truncheon.

The recent cases are just the latest examples of alleged French police brutality, often against non-white people.

In September, a French reporter who infiltrated the Paris police described a culture of racism and violence in which he claimed officers act with impunity. In his book, Flic (Cop), Valentin Gendrot said he had witnessed officers assaulting youngsters – many of them minors – on an almost daily basis.

In January a delivery driver, Cédric Chouviat, was filmed shouting “I’m suffocating” several times as police held him on the ground. Chouviat later died. In July, three police officers were put under official investigation for manslaughter.

Chouviat’s death came amid protests across France at the death of 24-year-old Adama Traoré in police custody in 2016.

Michel’s lawyer, Hafida El Ali, told AFP that her client had been detained for 48 hours on the basis of “lies by the police who had outrageously attacked him”.

Michel, who suffered multiple injuries to his face and body, including a head wound requiring stitches, was signed off work for six days and said he was still shocked by the attack. “If it hadn’t been for the camera I would be in prison today,” he told Loopsider.

“What did they want? If they’d wanted to check my [identity] papers they could have just asked. I have friends in the police. I like them a lot, they are not like these guys. And I refuse to believe any police officer could agree with guys like this.”

On Tuesday, French MPs approved a new security law that would place restrictions on identifying police officers involved in operations. Critics say article 24 of the new law, which makes it illegal to publish photographs or film footage of officers with “intent to harm”, is too open to interpretation by the police and could be a threat to press freedom.

[Sasse netä]

Siellä järkytytty kun joku hieroo silmille miten Ranskassa toimitaan.

[Pasi Fist]

https://www.theguardian.com/australia-n ... ettlements

'Hush' money: NSW police pay out more than $100m in relation to legal settlements

Exclusive: confidentiality clauses prevent victims speaking out about alleged officer misconduct

New South Wales police have paid out more than $100m in relation to legal settlements over the past four years but in most cases details of the suits were never made public due to confidentiality clauses that prevent victims speaking about alleged officer misconduct.

Figures obtained by the NSW upper house Greens MP David Shoebridge show the amount paid to settle claims against officers each year dwarfs the official sums reported by NSW police.

In the past four financial years police in the state have settled more than 1,000 civil cases. The settlements cover a sweeping range of misconduct claims, including unlawful searches, illegal arrests, false imprisonment, assault and harassment. The figure includes legal costs as well as damages paid to plaintiffs.

The cost of the payments to taxpayers has never dropped below $20m a year, peaking at $32.6m in 2016-17. In the past four years NSW police have handed out $113.5m to settle claims.

“Since the Coalition came to power in 2011, the NSW Police have paid hundreds of millions in hush payments to people who have [allegedly] experienced unlawful searches, illegal arrest, assault and other police misconduct,” Shoebridge told Guardian Australia.

But the details of almost all the cases remain secret, thanks to the widespread use of confidentiality clauses in settlement deeds. The clauses prevent victims discussing the terms of the settlement and the amount paid.

Some plaintiffs opt to have the clauses inserted into settlements but lawyers say that in cases involving allegations of officer misconduct the vast majority are driven by police.

Peter O’Brien, a lawyer who specialises in civil cases against the police, said the insistence on confidentiality clauses was often used as leverage in negotiating a settlement.

“The police often have a commercial incentive to have a confidentiality clause in place, and in those matters there becomes a value attached to it,” he said.

“In cases where we’re saying, ‘Well, we don’t want a confidentiality clause, we want to tell everyone and sundry about this,’ and the police are not happy with that, we’ll say, ‘Well, what’s it worth to you? If you want us to keep quiet about it, pay us for it.’ That’s the way it often works.”

David Marocchi, the founding partner of Sydney law firm Paramount Lawyers, said the clauses were “part and parcel” of a settlement and could be beneficial if clients did not want the details of their case made public.

But, he said, taxpayers had a right to know “what it is costing the state” to fund police cases. Marocchi was critical of delays in processing claims, which he believed were often exacerbated by the use of private law firms to run cases for the government.

“They’ve already got a reserve on the value of the settlement but they won’t give you that offer until six or 10 months later when you’re on the doorstep of the courthouse. That’s the reality.

“They get paid every time they open the file or refer to the case, and in my view that part of it should be reviewed because it is quite embarrassing.”“

In a statement, a spokeswoman for NSW police did not answer questions about the use of confidentiality agreements in settlements, but said the figures reported to parliament “relate to all costs” incurred during cases “including defence legal costs, court costs, plaintiff legal costs when paid by the State and damages amounts”.

“Figures supplied to the Legislative Council also include matters where the State either successfully defends a matter at hearing or settles in its favour,” she said.

But Shoebridge was critical of the use of confidentiality agreements by a government body, saying a lack of transparency around settlements meant only a tiny portion of cases against police were ever made public.

“Around 300 people are suing the police each year for alleged misconduct and in the most recent year reported only eight of these went to court,” he said.

“In 2019-20 a total of eight cases were taken to court, representing only 2.7% of the 298 cases brought against them. The rest were settled behind closed doors, almost all with binding secrecy provisions.”

Marocchi acted in a high-profile 2019 case against police in which a Sydney man, Steven Attalla, was awarded $112,000 after being illegally strip searched. In that case, he said, lawyers acting for the state made a number of offers in the lead-up to the trial which were “embarrassingly low”.

But he and other lawyers who spoke to the Guardian said the Attalla case was an outlier. More commonly, the state is eager to settle cases before they make it to court to avoid trial fees.

That appears to be supported in the data obtained by the Greens. Out-of-court settlements massively outweigh the number of misconduct claims that make it to trial. Over the same four-year period, the police paid out about $1.4m as a result of judgments made in courts.

O’Brien said the value of out-of-court settlements over the past four years was “particularly high because the damages awarded in these types of matters are unfortunately low”.

The reason for that is complex, and changes depending on the type of case. But O’Brien said the difficulty of pursuing a case against police and the risk of losing carried an incentive for people to settle out of court.

He used the example of malicious prosecution, which is one of the three most common types of cases against police, along with assault and false imprisonment.

Malice, he said, was “notoriously hard to prove” in cases against officers.

“Incompetence is a defence, so is overzealousness and stupidity,” he said.

“You could see why a plaintiff suing the police might be thinking, ‘Oh goodness, I have the burden of proving to a high standard that police were more likely than not acting with malice against me. How would I do that? What if I lose and there’s a cost order made against me?’

“So the incentive to accept a settlement which might be seen to be a compromise is very attractive.”